Comparative analysis of Employees' job satisfaction in pakistani Essay

Comparative analysis of Employees' job satisfaction in pakistani banking - Essay Example level of employees is not appropriately evaluated and rewarded by managers in Pakistan (Abbas et al., 2008, 435); in western countries the recognition of the value of employees seems to be problematic (Abromovitz, 1998, 175). Towards this direction, the identification and the presentation of facts that prove the value of employee performance should be characterized as an emergent need. However, the above assumption does not refer to all industrial sectors; in most of these sectors the role, the characteristics and the importance of employee satisfaction have been adequately addressed and related with the overall corporate strategy (Rasca, Deacon and Dumitrescu, 2008, p.535); there are also sectors, like the banking industry, where the importance of employee satisfaction has not been appropriately examined – further analysis is required (Jamshed Adil Halepota, 2007, p.1). In banking sector, employee satisfaction can lead to a series of a benefits for the organization involved; the increase of employee productivity, the improvement of the customer services, the development of coordination and cooperation within the organization and the increase of organizational performance – either in the short or the long term – are indicative benefits for the banks that focus on the development of employee satisfaction. Because of the value of employee satisfaction for the banking industry – as explained through the examples mentioned above – it is necessary that the various aspects of the specific concept are analytically explained and evaluated. The analysis of employee satisfaction in the banking industry could face many obstacles. An indicative one is the difference on the perceptions of managers on employee satisfaction; the development of policies for the increase of employees’ satisfaction can be considered as an emergent priority or just as a measure that needs to be included in the organizational strategic plan – among other plans. It is also possible that

The role of the European Parliament

The role of the European Parliament INTRODUCTION The division of powers among an executive, a legislature and a judiciary (Montesquieus tripartite system, The Spirit of Laws, 1748) is the common feature of the national democratic systems. The Parliament/National Assembly as a voice of the people can be considered as the institution that legitimizes system as a whole. Every country has its own parliamentary system, recognized and identified by the citizens. The European Parliament as the EU level legislature was created on the model of its counterparts. However its perception is significantly different. One can compare the internal organization of both, national and European Parliament, status of their members or party system but what undermines all the comparisons is the context in which these bodies are placed. The role of the European Parliament is determined by the nature of the EU and its sui generis character ‘a political system on its own right. It decides on the role of the institutions, division of competences and in ter-institutional relations that differ from those at the national level. Lack of traditional government has a significant impact on the position of the European political parties within the system. There is no executive to identify with nor to oppose to. The European party system is based on two competing principals that posses different resources to shape behavior of ‘their MEPs [agents]- national parties and the European political parties. EU is very often contested because of the lack of the legitimacy. The importance of the European elections is diminished because of the lack of electoral connection with the public and dominance of the national issues (second order elections). The internal procedures as well as decision making process are too complex to be entirely understood by an average citizen. As a consequence there is a different environment for the parties to operate in at the national and the EU level. It generates diverse level of cohesiveness, abilities to control, sanctions and rewards. All these factors decide on the way political parties organize at each level collectively or individually and what are the incentives that determine their choice. Are they in fact weaker in the European Parliament if compares to those in the domestic parliaments in Europe? If it is the case what are the main reasons that make them weaker? Which of the lsquo;principals has more influence? I will argue that due to the different constitutional structure of the EU lack of government performance of the European parties is less apparent than those at the national level. As a consequence the incentives for collective party organization can be indeed considered weaker than it is a case for the domestic parliaments. However evaluation of these incentives cannot be oversimplified. These two levels are interlinked and mutually dependent. Growing cohesiveness within the political groups can be a merit of both: national and European party levels. Importance of the EP (especially after the Lisbon Treaty) draws more and more attention to what does happen in the EP. Its growing power provides national parties with additional incentives to organize collectively at the supra-domestic level in order to maximize effectiveness of their actions. Firstly I will emphasize the main features of the European party system, its structure, mechanisms and levels of collective organization. The first part will be divided in two sections: brief presentation of the nomenclature used in the context of the European parliamentary system and theory of two principals the system is based on. Secondly I will present common incentives for collective party organization, that can be found at both levels. In the third part, I will focus on European dimension of these incentives. Forth part will contain a comparative analysis of two levels: national and European presenting the main differences. Given to the information, presented in the prior chapters, in the fifth one, I will answer what determines voting behavior of the MEPs and internal-party cohesiveness. In the last, sixth part, I will come to concluding statements. I. EUROPEAN PARTY SYSTEM STRUCTURE AND MECHANISMS Structure of the party system in the European Parliament is characterized by its multiplicity of organization levels and actors involved. First of all there are national party delegations which join the European political parties (transnational parties or Europarties) which then create European political groups. These two first levels may result in third although less official one at which political groups cooperate together in order to minimize the influence of other political groups or to build a common front against the other EU institutions such as the Council or the European Commission. Thus one could describe internal organization of the European Parliament as two and a half or three level transnational party system (see Figure 1.1). I.1. DEFINITIONS The European party system is characterized by the complexity of nomenclature which needs to be clarified in order to understand the party organization. Starting from the first component of the structure. National party delegations can be defined as entities within the transnational parties in the EP consisting of MEPs from the same national party. Transnational parties are the group [s] of representatives within a given institution that typically come from the same party family. According to Lindberg et al., in the EP, these transnational parties are also commonly referred to as (transnational) party groups. However, it has to be mentioned that these transnational parties, albeit they create transnational political groups, they are not the equivalent of the latter. In most cases political groups are composed of more than one political party. Not every MEPs belongs to the party that creates the group unaffiliated members. Political groups are not allowed to take part in the campaign for the European elections and cannot be established if the proposed membership consists of MEPs from only one member state. Functioning and organization of the European parties has its legal basis in the Regulation (EC) No 2004/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 4 November 2003 on the regulations governing political parties at European level and the rules regarding their funding. I.2. TWO PRINCIPALS THEORY The principal-agent theory is frequently used by the scholars to describe the relations among the actors involved in the EU policy-making process, namely: institutions and members states. The central problem analyzed [in this theory] is that one actor (the principal) needs to delegate tasks and resources to another actor (the agent) who will take action on behalf of the principal but who has interests and objectives of his or her own. Agent cannot observe the actions of its principal, thus its control abilities are very limited. It creates a serious incentive problem and a necessity of the sanction mechanism to ensure expected outcomes. Principal-agent interaction applies also to the European Parliament. There are two party principals that possess specific resources to shape the behavior of their MEPs. Quality of these resources determines the influence and efficiency of the principals. National parties (principal 1) can use their control of candidate reselection and their control of the process of European elections to influence whether an MEP is elected to the parliament in the first place. European parties (principal 2), in turn, can use their control of resources and power inside the parliament to influence whether an MEP is able to secure his or her policy and career goals once elected. What does the two-principal theory mean for the effectiveness of the European party system? What does it say about the interactions within the system? According to David Marquand, European party system, in order to be fully democratic and effective has to be based on Europe des partis where politics is structured through a party system, and not on Europe des patries where politics is structured around national identities and governments. It would guarantee a higher level of internal cohesiveness and secure the policy objectives. In the European Parliament, there is however a significant pressure from the national parties which may have a strong impact on the final decisions of one MEP or another. When the power of the EP is at stake, MEPs have strong incentive to vote together to acquire more power relative to other EU institutions , to ensure a counterbalance. However, the national parties may be encouraged to exert more influence over their MEPs because of the growing legislative power of the EP. Hence, it can be argued that there will be an increased intervention by national parties to control the activities of their European re presentatives. The functioning of the EP depends to a great extent on the interactions between two principals and the influence of one or/and the other. These interactions are, in turn, determined by a lot of factors. Among the others one can mention: issue covered, circumstances, institutional context and strategies applied by the particular groups. Different incentives offered by them evoke different behavior. Incentives for collective party organization can be common for both levels: national and European, separate or may create a sort of   toolbox of the incentives that are taken out of the box, when there is such a need. II. COMMON INCENTIVES FOR COLLECTIVE ORGANIZATION Collective organization is one of the concept which can be applied to a lot of spheres of political and social science. It refers to the logic of collective action of Mancur Olson and its theory of groups. The main purpose of the collective organization is to reduce transaction costs of what can be achieved by joining the group whose members share the same interests. The most evident form of collective organization in political parties context is the coalition-building. According to John H. Aldrich, political parties are institutional solutions created by rational utility-maximizing legislators to reduce the transaction costs of collective decision-making and solve the internal collective action problems they face in the legislature. There are two main common incentives for collective organization: reduction of transaction costs and solution for collective action problem. Building a coalition is a very time-consuming and demanding process that includes the costs of putting together a proposal, identifying coalition partners and forging a compromise acceptable to a sufficient majority. Going through all these stages every time a party looks for an ally is too risky and does not guarantee sufficient level of influence after all. The existence of political parties reduces these costs by allowing the actors concerned to ‘pre-pack like-minded legislators and form more stable coalition patterns. Coalition-building solves also the problem of collective action in decision making process. Through organizing themselves into a majority party, legislators can receive a higher pay-off in terms of policy then they could achieve as individual legislators. Being a part of a majoritarian coalition is the only way to have enough influence in order to pass a legislation that would secure the policy objectives. Every coalition, once built, has to be cohesive, otherwise it will not play its expected role. Voting behavior of the coalition members determines its power and effectiveness. Transnational character of the political groups, however, can easily impede the internal cohesiveness. There two groups of the reasons that can be mentioned. First one, having its sources in systemic differences as to the political culture, traditions, habits, mentalities, political scene stability (bi- or multipolar), level of dependence on national authorities, attachment to domestic parties, importance of national issues etc. Second one concerning individual features such as personality, knowledge about the issues concerned, language barrier which can hinder the access to informal source of information as well as the informal inter-MEPs relations. The list of the reasons is not exhaustive one. It shows, however, the importance and influence of the national system on the behavior of the MEPs who have been brought up by each particular system. The question arises what can be done in order to ensure a satisfactory level of cohesiveness? What are the instruments that can be used to control voting behavior? The EU party system does not have such an advanced sanction mechanism as it is the case in the domestic parliaments in Europe. Therefore, establishing party leadership seems to be the most effective, if not the only one, solution to compensate this deficiency. There are two possible scenarios that can be applied by the parties. According to the first one, parties can establish a transnational party together with like-minded legislators in order to reduce transaction costs of legislative decision-making. There is no centralized party group leadership and collective action problem of maintaining party unity can be solved through repeated actions. Alternative option assumes the establishment of party group leadership with monitoring capabilities and disciplinary power. These two scenarios give the legislators incentives to fo rm transnational parties at the European level in order to increase their influence over policy outcomes. Apart from having influence on policy-making ‘policy seeking incentive, scholars distinguish two others: ‘re-election and ‘office-seeking. Together, they form a sort of the incentives triangle which defines the collective party organization (see Figure 2.1). It depends on the particular system which incentive is more likely to be used. In the domestic parliamentary system ‘re-election is particularly important one due to a great impact of national parties on future career of their MEPs. It has to be born in mind, that this incentives triangle is characterized by mutual dependence on the one hand and inequality on the other. According Thorsten Faas, their relations can be described ‘clear lexicographic order. He underlines importance of re-election goal as the one that decide on the existence of the two others. ‘Without re-election, there is neither office, nor policy. It confirms the importance of the domestic parliamentary system and preliminary incentive it offers. Once, however, re-election is achieved, it creates further incentives that can be applied at the EU level. III. INCENTIVES FOR COLLECTIVE PARTY ORGANIZATION AT THE EU LEVEL ‘Transnational parties are (†¦) a product of national parties, who created and sustain the transnational parties to serve their own policy goals in the European Parliament. Thus, it is in the national parties interest to ensure the cohesiveness in once created supranational platform. ‘Each national party is unlikely to obtain its policy objectives by acting alone. They need an access to transnational level which would open a ‘window of opportunity through which they could pass their goals. Transnational parties ‘help national parties and MEPs, structure their behavior. These two levels of party organization are characterized by interdependence based on mutuality of interests and benefits. National party as an essential subcomponent of transnational party on the one hand. Transnational party as a useful platform and a source of behavior structure on the other. Apart from these inter-related incentives, falling partially in Principal 1 and Principal 2 resources, one can mention other, reserved only for MEPs once they have been elected (See: II.2. Two principal theory; Principal 2). The most important one is allocation of leadership position within the EP. Party groups ‘control important assets within the EP such as committee positions, rapporteurships for writing legislative reports, and plenary speaking time. ‘The most salient reports are allocated to the most loyal MEPs. Another incentive, however less important, is the control of the parliamentary agenda by the MEPs. They do have an influence on what can be included in the agenda, but they cannot decide on whether one issue or another can be kept of the agenda. The larger party group is, the greater influence on allocation of leadership position and agenda control it has. Using the allocation position power as well as (limited) agenda control one can argue that European poli tical groups are able to ‘enforce party line and mobilize its members to unified voting. While analyzing incentives for collective party organization at the EU level, institutional context has to be mentioned. Behavior of the institutions and their members is to a great extent determined by inter-institutional competition. Each of them seeks to preserve its position on the institutional arena and ensure its influence on the issues concerned. In other words, the inter-institutional competition system is based on counterbalance mechanisms that help the institutions prevent the dominant position of one of them. This is the case also for the European Parliament, whose power has been systematically enforcing by the treaties, moving the EP form its position of purely consultative body (Treaty of Rome) and to the one of an active player the decision-making process (veto power). The ordinary legislative procedure introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, entered into a force in 2009, makes the role of the EP even more significant. Collective organization within the EP as well as voting c ohesiveness help the EP to reduce the importance of two other institutions, namely the Council and the Commission. Another level of the competition which is very present in the EP concern party groups. Inter-party group competition determines voting behavior within the groups increasing cohesiveness. It is in the interest of the political groups to ensure a strong position vis à   vis other groups. Following the general rule bigger can more, creating bigger and more influential platform enables the groups to be more competitive and to constitute a counterbalance to the others. As S. Hix et al. argue, ‘the incentive to form and maintain powerful transnational party organization is fundamentally related to political competition inside the European Parliament (†¦) It pays to be cohesive because this increases a partys chance of being on the winning side of a vote and thus to influence its final outcome. IV. DIFFERENCES BETWEEN INCENTIVES IN DOMESTIC PARLIAMENTS IN EUROPE AND IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS Among the consequences of the distinct nature of the nation state on the one hand and the European Union on the other (see: Introduction, pp. 1-2) one can find differences between incentives for collective party organization accessible at both levels. The reasons maybe divided into groups which touch upon different aspects: nature of the European election, re-election capabilities, sanction instruments, constitutional structure and general perception of political parties performance at both levels. Domestic parliaments are perceived as the ones that offer their deputies more incentives than it is the case of the European Parliament, where ‘the role of the political parties is much less apparent.Reif and Schmitt coined the term of ‘second-order national elections to underline the importance of the national issues in the election campaigns in Europe. One can also mention very low turnout, ‘weak electoral connection between citizens and European legislators, no ‘brand name at the EU level ‘since candidates do not use a common European label, but the label of their national party. Taking into account these factors, ‘the nature of elections does not [seem to] provide an incentive to act within a cohesive party group that is as strong as in genuine national election. Internal functioning of the EP shows an important role played by the national electoral systems as well as strong a ‘connection between the MEPs and their national parties. The national parties constitute ‘the main aggregate actors in the European Parliament. There are lots of aspects justifying this statement. These are the national parties that nominate the candidates to the European elections. They decide also ‘which of their MEPs will be returned to the European Parliament. ‘National party leaderships have a dominant influence on the future career prospects of the MEPs, both within and beyond the EP. National parties decide which of their MEPs they will support for key committee position and offices inside the parliament and also whether MEPs will be chosen as candidates for national legislative and executive office. There is a clear list of incentives and goal that may be achieved. The most important one is ‘re-election. The lack of this particular incentive to offer at the EU level weakens significantly the position of transnational parties in comparison to their national counterparts. Level of the voting cohesiveness determines the effectiveness of the transnational groups once they are established. It decides if they are able or not to ‘ensure political accountability and consistent decision-making.Domestic parliamentary systems have at their disposal greater sanctions for the behavior contradictory to the party lines. Taking into account what national parties can offer, there is too much to lose if one decide not follow their instructions (cost and benefits analysis). One of the relevant instruments available at the domestic level is the confidence vote attached to a legislative proposal. It can be used by the governmental party or coalition in order to ensure (party) voting cohesion.On top of that, ‘the cabinet, with its prerogatives in the legislative process, is formed along partisan lines and the portfolios are distributed by party leaders. It shows that political parties ‘are crucial at all stages of the making of public policy. The sanctions mechanism within the European Parliament is developed enough to exert an effective influence on voting behavior of the MEPs. There are two instruments which has to be mentioned. Political groups can control their members through ‘whips or by ‘group coordinators in case of the committees. The second one at the disposal of the political groups is ‘the ultimate sanction of expelling an individual MEP or national party delegation from the group. However, political groups make use of this possibility only in extreme cases.Decision of the expulsion ‘has to be supported by a majority of all MEPs in the group and is only credible if expelling the party would not weaken the political group compared with its opponents in the parliament.Importance of the available instruments is limited by their rather theoretical dimension. If we assume that the transnational parties are responsible for the growing cohesiveness within the political groups, the threat of us e of the sanction itself should be sufficient in order to ensure an obedience of the MEPs. However, if these are the national parties which determine the voting behavior, these sanction instruments lose their raison dà ªtre and should be regarded as rather simple provision. Differences between two levels concern to a large extent the constitutional structure. The one of the EU ‘does not (†¦) resemble the structure of a parliamentary system.First of all, there is no traditional government to support, discredit, refer to: identify with or oppose to. No executive ‘which can enforce party unity via a vote of confidence.Only possibility at the EPs disposal is ‘the power to vote the European executive (the Commission) through vote of no confidence. However, the necessary majority (two-thirds majority of the votes cast, representing a majority of the component MEPs, art. 234 TFEU) is very difficult to achieve. Furthermore, the Commission ‘[is not] recruited from a majority coalition within the EP.It has no power to dissolve the Parliament, even for the budgets rejection which would normally have happened in the national systems. One can say that both positive and negative incentives from the part of the ‘executive are very li mited. Nothing to be afraid of and nothing to strive for. Performance of European political groups is weakened by limited abilities of agenda control (in comparison to the domestic parliaments). ‘No transnational party can use agenda control powers in order to keep policy issues which divide the party from arising in the legislative decision-making process (†¦) even if [this particular party holds] a sufficient majority of votes'(see Section III, p. 7). It is the European Commission that has an exclusive right to initiative. The European Parliament can only submit the proposal for legislative act, which then is considered by the Commission. The same applies to the transnational parties in the Council. Thus, Lindberg et al., argue that ‘partisan control of the legislative agenda is only possible if a political camp dominates all three legislative bodies in the EU, namely: the Commission, the Council and the Parliament. Table 1 Party effects on legislative decision-making National parties Transnational parties Electoral arena Selection of representatives European Parliament Yes No Council Yes No Commission Yes No Legislative arena Legislative organization European Parliament Mixed Mixed Council No No Commission No No Intra-institutional decision-making European Parliament Yes Yes Council Mixed Mixed Commission No No Intra-institutional decision-making Mixed Yes (preliminary evidence) Source: B. Lindberg, A. Rasmussen, A. Warntjen, ‘Party politics as usual? The role of political parties in EU legislative decision-making, Journal of European Public Policy, Volume 15, Issue 8, 2008, p. 1114. V. DETERMINANTS OF THE VOTING COHESIVENESS INSIDE THE EP Different factors that determine the voting behavior inside the EP refer us to the theory of two principals mentioned in the second part (see pages 3-4). Which of them has a greater impact on how the MEPs vote: national parties of transnational groups? What does prevail: national loyalty or partisan alignments? Do they necessarily oppose to each other? One can assume that MEPs take their decision being well informed and fully aware of the context of the decisions, their content as well as their consequences. However, a significant part of them are being taken without this knowledge and rationally based analysis. Instead of it, other factors influence the MEPs and their final decision. Three of them seem to be the most important. First, personal relations among the MEPs established as a result of socialization. It concerns especially those first-time elected deputies who are not very familiar with organizational structure of the EP. They are often forced to rely on somebody else while taking the decision. Somebody who, for different reasons, they decide to trust while taking decision. Second, content of the issue discussed and its impact on a vote. If the outcome of the decision is particularly important from a countrys perspective, one could expect that MEP to be well informed about the issue. Then probability that he or she will vote in accordance to the national party line is higher, either. Third, time the decision is taken. One can argue that MEPs are more likely to vote in line with their European party/political group when the leadership positions have not been allocated yet. In other words, it is difficult to apply the well know rule of ‘stick and carrot if the carrot does no longer exist. ‘Despite frequent criticism of the lack of strength of the EP party groups, it is shown that they achieve relatively high and rising levels of cohesion.However, there is no clear answer on ‘whether it is mainly the transnational or the national parties that act as the principals of the MEPs.At least three observations can be made to show the relations between them. First, ‘national political parties make up the European parties strategically choose to vote together and impose discipline on their MEPs even when their preferences diverge. Doing so, they want to secure their ‘long term collective policy goaland not necessarily ‘the immediate outcome of particular vote.Second, MEPs rarely vote against the European party line. Mostly because a ‘high level of consensus between European political groups and national parties rarely forces them to make that choice. Third however, if the conflict between two principals appears they will chose the national on e. One can say that ‘MEPs are ultimately controlled by their national parties rather than European political groups. Importance of the national actors in determining the cohesion of the European parties depends on ‘how closely [nation parties] follow Parliamentary debates and how often the offer guidance to their own members. The national parties are more likely to be directly involved ‘when they are opposed to the group vote or when the issue is of particular national concern.Voting against the majority within the political group does not simply pay if the rate is not high enough. The same applies for the roll-call voting where votes (Yes, No, Abstain) are published in the parliaments official minutes.Votes that are usually taken by roll call concerns decision of rather political nature (not technical one). It gives an extra incentive to ‘show loyalty to the European political groups. Existing studies of roll-call voting confirm this statement showing that ‘MEPs are likely to vote along transnational party lines than national lineswhen such a method is applied. ‘Though the Parliament is organized

The Perfect Couple in Woman in White Essay -- Wilkie Collins Woman in

The Perfect Couple  in Woman in White  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the Woman in White, the author gives the reader many opportunities to find their favorite romantic plot. The reader is left to wonder which characters are well suited for each other. We are given the choices of the gentlemanly Walter and the feminine Laura or Laura and the deceitful Sir Percival. It seems to this reader that the author gave us the answer to the puzzling perfect couple question; only, the perfect couple is really a perfect trio- Walter, Laura, and Marian. Walter did not have to make a choice between the two main female characters because they made it for him. It is obvious that Laura and Marian complete each other. We see that whatever qualities Laura lacks, Marian has, and vice versa. These two women combine to make the perfect woman. Let us first examine Laura. Walter seems to fall in love with Laura at first sight. She is the image of the perfect Victorian woman. She is beautiful, rich, and pliant. She is willing to do whatever it takes to make other people happy. She has a dee...

Foundation and Empire 5. The War Begins

From the radiating point of Siwenna, the forces of the Empire reached out cautiously into the black unknown of the Periphery. Giant ships passed the vast distances that separated the vagrant stars at the Galaxy's rim, and felt their way around the outermost edge of Foundation influence. Worlds isolated in their new barbarism of two centuries felt the sensation once again of Imperial overlords upon their soil. Allegiance was sworn in the face of the massive artillery covering capital cities. Garrisons were left; garrisons of men in Imperial uniform with the Spaceship-and-Sun insignia upon their shoulders. The old men took notice and remembered once again the forgotten tales of their grandfathers' fathers of the times when the universe was big, and rich, and peaceful and that same Spaceship-and-Sun ruled all. Then the great ships passed on to weave their line of forward bases further around the Foundation. And as each world was knotted into its proper place in the fabric, the report went back to Bel Riose at the General Headquarters he had established on the rocky barrenness of a wandering sunless planet. Now Riose relaxed and smiled grimly at Ducem Barr. â€Å"Well, what do you think, patrician?† â€Å"I? Of what value are my thoughts? I am not a military man.† He took in with one wearily distasteful glance the crowded disorder of the rock-bound room which had been carved out of the wall of a cavern of artificial air, light, and heat which marked the single bubble of life in the vastness of a bleak world. â€Å"For the help I could give you,† he muttered, â€Å"or would want to give you, you might return me to Siwenna.† â€Å"Not yet. Not yet.† The general turned his chair to the comer which held the huge, brilliantly-transparent sphere that mapped the old Imperial prefect of Anacreon and its neighboring sectors. â€Å"Later, when this is over, you will go back to your books and to more. I'll see to it that the estates of your family are restored to you and to your children for the rest of time.† â€Å"Thank you,† said Barr, with faint irony, â€Å"but I lack your faith in the happy outcome of all this.† Riose laughed harshly, â€Å"Don't start your prophetic croakings again. This map speaks louder than all your woeful theories.† He caressed its curved invisible outline gently. â€Å"Can you read a map in radial projection? You can? Well, here, see for yourself. The stars in gold represent the Imperial territories. The red stars are those in subjection to the Foundation and the pink are those which are probably within the economic sphere of influence. Now watch-â€Å" Riose's hand covered a rounded knob, and slowly an area of hard, white pinpoints changed into a deepening blue. Like an inverted cup they folded about the red and the pink. â€Å"Those blue stars have been taken over by my forces,† said Riose with quiet satisfaction, â€Å"and they still advance. No opposition has appeared anywhere. The barbarians are quiet. And particularly, no opposition has come from Foundation forces. They sleep peacefully and well.† â€Å"You spread your force thinly, don't you?† asked Barr. â€Å"As a matter of fact,† said Riose, â€Å"despite appearances, I don't. The key points which I garrison and fortify are relatively few, but they are carefully chosen. The result is that the force expended is small, but the strategic result great. There are many advantages, more than would ever appear to anyone who hasn't made a careful study of spatial tactics, but it is apparent to anyone, for instance, that I can base an attack from any point in an inclosing sphere, and that when I am finished it will be impossible for the Foundation to attack at flank or rear. I shall have no flank or rear with respect to them. â€Å"This strategy of the Previous Enclosure has been tried before, notably in the campaigns of Loris VI, some two thousand years ago, but always imperfectly; always with the knowledge and attempted interference of the enemy. This is different.† â€Å"The ideal textbook case?† Barr's voice was languid and indifferent. Riose was impatient, â€Å"You still think my forces will fail?† â€Å"They must.† â€Å"You understand that there is no case in military history where an Enclosure has been completed that the attacking forces have not eventually won, except where an outside Navy exists in sufficient force to break the Enclosure.† â€Å"If you say so.† â€Å"And you still adhere to your faith.† â€Å"Yes.† Riose shrugged. â€Å"Then do so.† Barr allowed the angry silence to continue for a moment, then asked quietly, â€Å"Have you received an answer from the Emperor?† Riose removed a cigarette from a wall container behind his head, placed a filter tip between his lips and puffed it aflame carefully. He said, â€Å"You mean my request for reinforcements? It came, but that's all. Just the answer.† â€Å"No ships.† â€Å"None. I half-expected that. Frankly, patrician, I should never have allowed myself to be stampeded by your theories into requesting them in the first place. It puts me in a false light.† â€Å"Does it?† â€Å"Definitely. Ships are at a premium. The civil wars of the last two centuries have smashed up more than half of the Grand Fleet and what's left is in pretty shaky condition. You know it isn't as if the ships we build these days are worth anything. I don't think there's a man in the Galaxy today who can build a first-rate hypernuclear motor.† â€Å"I knew that,† said the Siwennian. His eyes were thoughtful and introspective. â€Å"I didn't know that you knew it. So his Imperial Majesty can spare no ships. Psychohistory could have predicted that; in fact, it probably did. I should say that Hari Seldon's dead hand wins the opening round.† Riose answered sharply, â€Å"I have enough ships as it is. Your Seldon wins nothing. Should the situation turn more serious, then more ships will be available. As yet, the Emperor does not know all the story.† â€Å"Indeed? What haven't you told him?† â€Å"Obviously – your theories.† Riose looked sardonic. â€Å"The story is, with all respect to you, inherently improbable. If developments warrant; if events supply me with proof, then, but only then, would I make out the case of mortal danger. â€Å"And in addition,† Riose drove on, casually, â€Å"the story, unbolstered by fact, has a flavor of lese majeste that could scarcely be pleasant to His Imperial Majesty.† The old patrician smiled. â€Å"You mean that telling him his august throne is in danger of subversion by a parcel of ragged barbarians from the ends of the universe is not a warning to be believed or appreciated. Then you expect nothing from him.† â€Å"Unless you count a special envoy as something.† â€Å"And why a special envoy?† â€Å"It's an old custom. A direct representative of the crown is present on every military campaign which is under government auspices.† â€Å"Really? Why?† â€Å"It's a method of preserving the symbol of personal Imperial leadership in all campaigns. It's gained a secondary function of insuring the fidelity of generals. It doesn't always succeed in that respect.† â€Å"You'll find that inconvenient, general. Extraneous authority, I mean.† â€Å"I don't doubt that,† Riose reddened faintly, â€Å"but it can't be helped-â€Å" The receiver at the general's hand glowed warmly, and with an unobtrusive jar, the cylindered communication popped into its slot. Riose unrolled it, â€Å"Good! This is it!† Ducem Barr raised a mildly questioning eyebrow. Riose said, â€Å"You know we've captured one of these Trader people. Alive – and with his ship intact.† â€Å"I've heard talk of it.† â€Å"Well, they've just brought him in, and we'll have him here in a minute. You keep your seat, patrician. I want you here when I'm questioning him. It's why I asked you here today in the first place. You may understand him where I might miss important points.† The door signal sounded and a touch of the general's toe swung the door wide. The man who stood on the threshold was tall and bearded, wore a short coat of a soft, leathery plastic, with an attached hood shoved back on his neck. His hands were free, and if he noticed the men about him were armed, he did not trouble to indicate it. He stepped in casually, and looked about with calculating eyes. He favored the general with a rudimentary wave of the hand and a half nod. â€Å"Your name?† demanded Riose, crisply. â€Å"Lathan Devers.† The trader hooked his thumbs into his wide and gaudy belt. â€Å"Are you the boss here?† â€Å"You are a trader of the Foundation?† â€Å"That's right. Listen, if you're the boss, you'd better tell your hired men here to lay off my cargo.† The general raised his head and regarded the prisoner coldly. â€Å"Answer questions. Do not volunteer orders.† â€Å"All right. I'm agreeable. But one of your boys blasted a two-foot hole in his chest already, by sticking his fingers where he wasn't supposed to.† Riose shifted his gaze to the lieutenant in charge. â€Å"Is this man telling the truth? Your report, Vrank, had it that no lives were lost.† â€Å"None were, sir,† the lieutenant spoke stiffly, apprehensively, â€Å"at the time. There was later some disposition to search the ship, there having arisen a rumor that a woman was aboard. Instead, sir, many instruments of unknown nature were located, instruments which the prisoner claims to be his stock in trade. One of them flashed on handling, and the soldier holding it died.† The general turned back to the trader. â€Å"Does your ship carry nuclear explosives?† â€Å"Galaxy, no. What for? That fool grabbed a nuclear puncher, wrong end forward and set at maximum dispersion. You're not supposed to do that. Might as well point a neut-gun at your head. I'd have stopped him, if five men weren't sitting on my chest.† Riose gestured at the waiting guard, â€Å"You go. The captured ship is to he sealed against all intrusion. Sit down, Devers.† The trader did so, in the spot indicated, and withstood stolidly the hard scrutiny of the Imperial general and the curious glance of the Siwennian patrician. Riose said, â€Å"You're a sensible man, Devers.† â€Å"Thank you. Are you impressed by my face, or do you want something? Tell you what, though. I'm a good business man.† â€Å"It's about the same thing. You surrendered your ship when you might have decided to waste our ammunition and have yourself blown to electron-dust. It could result in good treatment for you, if you continue that sort of outlook on life.† â€Å"Good treatment is what I mostly crave, boss.† â€Å"Good, and co-operation is what I mostly crave.† Riose smiled, and said in a low aside to Ducem Barr, â€Å"I hope the word ‘crave' means what I think it does. Did you ever hear such a barbarous jargon?† Devers said blandly, â€Å"Right. I check you. But what kind of co-operation are you talking about, boss? To tell you straight, I don't know where I stand.† He looked about him, â€Å"Where's this place, for instance, and – what's the idea?† â€Å"Ah, I've neglected the other half of the introductions. I apologize.† Riose was in good humor. â€Å"That gentleman is Ducem Barr, Patrician of the Empire. I am Bel Riose, Peer of the Empire, and General of the Third Class in the armed forces of His Imperial Majesty.† The trader's jaw slackened. Then, â€Å"The Empire? I mean the old Empire they taught us about at school? Huh! Funny! I always had the sort of notion that it didn't exist any more.† â€Å"Look about you. It does,† said Riose grimly. â€Å"Might have known it though,† and Lathan Devers pointed his beard at the ceiling. â€Å"That was a mightily polished-looking set of craft that took my tub. No kingdom of the Periphery could have turned them out.† His brow furrowed. â€Å"So what's the game, boss? Or do I call you general?† â€Å"Me game is war.† â€Å"Empire versus Foundation, that it?† â€Å"Right.† â€Å"Why?† â€Å"I think you know why.† The trader stared sharply and shook his head. Riose let the other deliberate, then said softly, â€Å"I'm sure you know why.† Lathan Devers muttered, â€Å"Warm here,† and stood up to remove his hooded jacket. Then he sat down again and stretched his legs out before him. â€Å"You know,† he said, comfortably, â€Å"I figure you're thinking I ought to jump up with a whoop and lay about me. I can catch you before you could move if I choose my time, and this old fellow who sits there and doesn't say anything couldn't do much to stop me.† â€Å"But you won't,† said Riose, confidently. â€Å"I won't,† agreed Devers, amiably. â€Å"First off, killing you wouldn't stop the war, I suppose. There are more generals where you came from.† â€Å"Very accurately calculated.† â€Å"Besides which, I'd probably be slammed down about two seconds after I got you, and killed fast, or maybe slow, depending. But I'd be killed, and I never like to count on that when I'm making plans. It doesn't pay off.† â€Å"I said you were a sensible man.† â€Å"But there's one thing I would like, boss. I'd like you to tell me what you mean when you say I know why you're jumping us. I don't; and guessing games bother me no end.† â€Å"Yes? Ever hear of Hari Seldon?† â€Å"No. I said I don't like guessing games.† Riose flicked a side glance at Ducem Barr who smiled with a narrow gentleness and resumed his inwardly-dreaming expression. Riose said with a grimace, â€Å"Don't you play games, Devers. There is a tradition, or a fable, or sober history – I don't care what – upon your Foundation, that eventually you will found the Second Empire. I know quite a detailed version of Hari Seldon's psychohistorical claptrap, and your eventual plans of aggression against the Empire.† â€Å"That so?† Devers nodded thoughtfully. â€Å"And who told you all that?† â€Å"Does that matter?† said Riose with dangerous smoothness. â€Å"You're here to question nothing. I want what you know about the Seldon Fable.† â€Å"But if it's a Fable-â€Å" â€Å"Don't play with words, Devers.† â€Å"I'm not. In fact, I'll give it to you straight. You know all I know about it. It's silly stuff, half-baked. Every world has its yams; you can't keep it away from them. Yes, I've heard that sort of talk; Seldon, Second Empire, and so on. They put kids to sleep at night with the stuff. The young squirts curl up in the spare rooms with their pocket projectors and suck up Seldon thrillers. But it's strictly non-adult. Nonintelligent adult, anyway.† The trader shook his head. The Imperial general's eyes were dark. â€Å"Is that really so? You waste your lies, man. I've been on the planet, Terminus. I know your Foundation. I've looked it in the face.† â€Å"And you ask me? Me, when I haven't kept foot on it for two months at a piece in ten years. You are wasting your time. But go ahead with your war, if it's fables you're after.† And Barr spoke for the first time, mildly, â€Å"You are so confident then that the Foundation will win?† The trader turned. He flushed faintly and an old scar on one temple showed whitely, â€Å"Hm-m-m, the silent partner. How'd you squeeze that out of what I said, doc?† Riose nodded very slightly at Barr, and the Siwennian continued in a low voice, â€Å"Because the notion would bother you if you thought your world might lose this war, and suffer the bitter reapings of defeat, I know. My world once did, and still does.† Lathan Devers fumbled his beard, looked from one of his opponents to the other, then laughed shortly. â€Å"Does he always talk like that, boss? Listen,† he grew serious, â€Å"what's defeat? I've seen wars and I've seen defeats. What if the winner does take over? Who's bothered? Me? Guys like me?† He shook his head in derision. â€Å"Get this,† the trader spoke forcefully and earnestly, â€Å"there are five or six fat slobs who usually run an average planet. They get the rabbit punch, but I'm not losing peace of mind over them. See. The people? The ordinary run of guys? Sure, some get killed, and the rest pay extra taxes for a while. But it settles itself out; it runs itself down. And then it's the old situation again with a different five or six.† Ducem Barr's nostrils flared, and the tendons of his old right hand jerked; but he said nothing. Lathan Devers' eyes were on him. They missed nothing. He said, â€Å"Look. I spend my life in space for my five-and-dime gadgets and my beer-and-pretzel kickback from the Combines. There's fat fellows back there,† his thumb jerked over his shoulder and back, â€Å"that sit home and collect my year's income every minute – out of skimmings from me and more like me. Suppose you run the Foundation. You'll still need us. You'll need us more than ever the Combines do – because you'd not know your way around, and we could bring in the hard cash. We'd make a better deal with the Empire. Yes, we would; and I'm a man of business. If it adds up to a plus mark, I'm for it.† And he stared at the two with sardonic belligerence. The silence remained unbroken for minutes, and then a cylinder rattled into its slot. The general flipped it open, glanced at the neat printing and in-circuited the visuals with a sweep. â€Å"Prepare plan indicating position of each ship in action. Await orders on full-armed defensive.† He reached for his cape. As he fastened it about his shoulders, he whispered in a stiff-lipped monotone to Barr, â€Å"I'm leaving this man to you. I'll expect results. This is war and I can be cruel to failures. Remember!† He left, with a salute to both. Lathan Devers looked after him, â€Å"Well, something's hit him where it hurts. What goes on?† â€Å"A battle, obviously,† said Barr, gruffly. â€Å"The forces of the Foundation are coming out for their first battle. You'd better come along.† There were armed soldiers in the room. Their bearing was respectful and their faces were hard. Devers followed the proud old Siwennian patriarch out of the room. The room to which they were led was smaller, barer. It contained two beds, a visi-screen, and shower and sanitary facilities. The soldiers marched out, and the thick door boomed hollowly shut. â€Å"Hmp?† Devers stared disapprovingly about. â€Å"This looks permanent.† â€Å"It is,† said Barr, shortly. The old Siwennian turned his back. The trader said irritably, â€Å"What's your game, doc?† â€Å"I have no game. You're in my charge, that's all.† The trader rose and advanced. His bulk towered over the unmoving patrician. â€Å"Yes? But you're in this cell with me and when you were marched here the guns were pointed just as hard at you as at me. Listen, you were all boiled up about my notions on the subject of war and peace.† He waited fruitlessly, â€Å"All fight, let me ask you something. You said your country was licked once. By whom? Comet people from the outer nebulae?† Barr looked up. â€Å"By the Empire.† â€Å"That so? Then what are you doing here?† Barr maintained an eloquent silence. The trader thrust out a lower lip and nodded his head slowly. He slipped off the flat-linked bracelet that hugged his fight wrist and held it out. â€Å"What do you think of that?† He wore the mate to it on his left. The Siwennian took the ornament. He responded slowly to the trader's gesture and put it on. The odd tingling at the wrist passed away quickly. Devers' voice changed at once. â€Å"Right, doc, you've got the action now. Just speak casually. If this room is wired, they won't get a thing. That's a Field Distorter you've got there; genuine Mallow design. Sells for twenty-five credits on any world from here to the outer rim. You get it free. Hold your lips still when you talk and take it easy. You've got to get the trick of it.† Ducem Barr was suddenly weary. The trader's boring eyes were luminous and urging. He felt unequal to their demands. Barr said, â€Å"What do you want?† The words slurred from between unmoving lips. â€Å"I've told you. You make mouth noises like what we call a patriot. Yet your own world has been mashed up by the Empire, and here you are playing ball with the Empire's fair-haired general. Doesn't make sense, does it?† Barr said, â€Å"I have done my part. A conquering Imperial viceroy is dead because of me.† â€Å"That so? Recently?† â€Å"Forty years ago.† â€Å"Forty†¦ years†¦ ago!† The words seemed to have meaning to the trader. He frowned, â€Å"That's a long time to live on memories. Does that young squirt in the general's uniform know about it?† Barr nodded. Devers' eyes were dark with thought. â€Å"You want the Empire to win?† And the old Siwennian patrician broke out in sudden deep anger, â€Å"May the Empire and all its works perish in universal catastrophe. All Siwenna prays that daily. I had brothers once, a sister, a father. But I have children now, grandchildren. The general knows where to find them.† Devers waited. Barr continued in a whisper, â€Å"But that would not stop me if the results in view warranted the risk. They would know how to die.† The trader said gently, â€Å"You killed a viceroy once, huh? You know, I recognize a few things. We once had a mayor, Hober Mallow his name was. He visited Siwenna; that's your world, isn't it? He met a man named Barr.† Ducem Barr stared hard, suspiciously. â€Å"What do you know of this?† â€Å"What every trader on the Foundation knows. You might be a smart old fellow put in here to get on my right side. Sure, they'd point guns at you, and you'd hate the Empire and be all-out for its smashing. Then I'd fall all over you and pour out my heart to you, and wouldn't the general be pleased. There's not much chance of that, doc. â€Å"But just the same I'd like to have you prove that you're the son of Onum Barr of Siwenna – the sixth and youngest who escaped the massacre.† Ducem Barr's hand shook as he opened the flat metal box in a wall recess. The metal object he withdrew clanked softly as he thrust it into the trader's hands. â€Å"Look at that,† he said. Devers stared. He held the swollen central link of the chain close to his eyes and swore softly. â€Å"That's Mallow's monogram, or I'm a space-struck rookie, and the design is fifty years old if it's a day.† He looked up and smiled. â€Å"Shake, doc. A man-sized nuclear shield is all the proof I need,† and he held out his large hand.

Statistics: Variance and Vanguard Total Stock

Statistics Midterm paper 1. : Identify the implied population in the information here. Government agencies carefully monitor water quality and its effect on wetlands (Reference: Environment Protection Agency Wetland Report EPA 832-R-93-005). Of particular concern is the concentration of nitrogen in water draining from fertilized lands. Too much nitrogen can kill fish and wildlife. Twenty-eight samples of water were taken at random from a lake. The nitrogen concentration (milligrams of nitrogen per liter of water) was determined for each sample. The variable in this information is nitrogen concentration (mg nitrogen/l water). a. number of fish b. samples of water taken at random c. the wetlands d. nitrogen concentration (mg nitrogen/l water) in the entire lake e. government agencies 2. Find the technique for gathering data in the study below. A study of all league football scores attained through touchdowns and field goals was conducted by the National Football League to determine whether field goals account for more scoring events than touchdowns (USA Today). a. sampling b. census c. experiment d. simulation . observational study 3. It's not an easy life, but it's a good life. Suppose you decide to take the summer off and sign on as a deck hand for a commercial fishing boat in Alaska that specializes in deep-water fishing for ground fish. What kind of fish can you expect to catch? One way to answer this question is to examine the reports on ground fish caught in the Gulf of Alaska. The following list indicates the types of fish caught annually in thousands of metric tons: flatfish, 36. 3; Pacific cod, 68. 6; sablefish, 16. 0; Walleye Pollock, 71. 2; rockfish, 18. 9. Make a Pareto chart showing the annual harvest for commercial fishing in the Gulf of Alaska. 4. How hot does it get in Death Valley? Assume that the following data are taken from a study conducted by the National Park System, of which Death Valley is a unit. The ground temperatures were taken from May to November near Furnace Creek. Compute the mode for these ground temperatures. 147 153 167 174 182 178 179 182 178 178 167 0 153 144 a. 144 b. 182 c. 167 d. 153 e. 178 5. Find the sample variance s2 for the following sample data. Round your answer to the nearest hundredth. x: 23 17 12 35 29 . 84. 20 b. 67. 36 c. 101. 00 d. 88. 84 e. 126. 25 6. Do bonds reduce the overall risk of an investment portfolio? Let x be a random variable representing annual percent return for the Vanguard Total Stock Index (all Stocks). Let y be a random variable representing annual return for the Vanguard Balanced Index (60% stock and 40% bond). For the past several years, assume the following data. Compute . x: 14 0 36 23 33 25 26 14 14 23 y: 6 5 26 17 24 17 17 5 6 6 a. 4607 b. 4803 c. 5332 d. 4243 e. 4940 Answers: Queston 1: The population is d. – the nitrogen population in the entire lake. Question 2: The technique is a census since all events are to be measured. Question 3. The Pareto Chart is below:[pic] Question 4: The mode is the most frequently occurring value in a set of data so here the mode is 178 so the answer is e. Question 5. The samplle variance is 84. 20 so the answer is a. Question 6. The mean return for the Vanguard Total Stock Index is 20. 8 while the mean return for the Vanguard Balanced Index is 12. 9 (with bonds). Based on this data you would conclude that bonds do not reduce the overall risk of an investment portfolio since the mean return was actually less when the porfolio has bonds in it.

Art as Propoganda essays

Art as Propoganda essays While the Nazi political movement was undoubtedly among the most vile developments of the 20th century, it inspired works of art which have the ability to expose some of the best and worst that art can achieve. Because it involves such stark contrasts of good and evil, it offers excellent opportunities to discuss what aspects of art are good and bad, what art can achieve at its best and what it can destroy at its worst. Propaganda more than ever is an instrument of aggression, a new means for rendering a country defenseless in the face of an invading army. While it has been used in a halting way for centuries, within the past few years we have seen it prepare the way for Hitler to seize many countries. It is called a new instrument of aggression because development has given it an effectiveness never before experienced in the history of the world. Nazi Germany regulated and controlled the art produced between 1933 and 1945 to ensure they embodied the values they wished to indoctrinate into the German people. The notion of volk (people) and blut und boden (soil and blood) was championed in paintings to glorify an idealized rural Germany and instill a sense of superiority in the Nordic physicality. Many works romanticized everyday subjects and reiterated stereotypical Nazi ideals of the human body and its purposes in the Reich. Paintings of Adolf Hitler portrayed his image in a heroic manner, elevating him to a god-like status. By promoting Hitler as superior to the average person, the artist made Hitler a mythological being who, if followed with unconditional religious piety, would lead the Germanic race to an ideal future. The architecture, or so-called ideology in stone, was also a vessel for political ideology. The monumental buildings served to construct a pseudo-history to authenticate the stable, strong and righteous nature of the thousand year Reich. Thus, art ...

Are Conjugal Roles in Contempo essays

Are Conjugal Roles in Contempo essays Discuss the view that conjugal roles are equal in contemporary Britain There has been much debate over equality within family environments. Historically there have also been many issues relating to equal rights for men and women. Women have often been treated differently to men, in the early 1900s a group of women called the Suffragettes successfully campaigned to give women the right to vote. Recently there have been disputes over equal pay for men and women which has led to anti discriminatory laws being passed. There have also been movements such as feminism which has challenged the views of society towards men and women. There are many pieces of research which study equality within roles although comparing them can be difficult. This is because equality is not something that can be measured or represented in a clear way. The notion of equality in itself is multi faceted and hard to define. This has led to researchers studying equality in several different ways. These include looking at levels of involvement in domestic tasks and exploring the distribution of power in relationships. Willmott and Young (1973) devised a four stage model of family life. In the 1971 book, the symmetrical family they used historical data combined with their own empirical data to explore changes in family roles and structure. The four stage model covers pre industrial in stage one to present day in stage three. Stage four also explores how they feel the family may change in the future. Willmott and Young argue that in the modern family the roles of the husband and wife are largely symmetrical. This means the roles within the family are different whilst also being similar in terms of contribution and involvement. For example, whilst the wife will typically look after the children and do housework the husband contributes by working in paid employment to support the family. They also provided evidence for a degree of role sharing with the...

How to Write the Perfect Administrative Assistant Resume

How to Write the Perfect Administrative Assistant Resume Let’s face it: administrative assistants are often the unsung heroes of any office. They’re the front lines in the war against chaos and misplaced information. It’s a career path that can lead you anywhere because the skills you pick up and build along the way are so universal and adaptables)How to Write a Perfect Occupational Therapist ResumeHow to Write a Perfect Physician Assistant Resume (Examples Included)How to Write a Perfect Receptionist Resume (Examples Included)How to Create a Perfect Retail ResumeHow to Write a Perfect Sales Associate Resume (Examples Included)How to Write a Perfect Social Worker Resume (Examples Included)How to Write a Perfect Truck Driver Resume (With Examples)

Terrorism Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Terrorism - Case Study Example Player et al. provide a more broad-based definition, saying that terrorism is â€Å"undertaken to influence a government for the purpose of advancing a political, religious or ideological cause. Such act shall be certified as an "Act of Terrorism† (Player et al, 2002). However, this stance denies that there may be other causes for terrorism (or, in the case of anarchists, no cause at all). Personally, I would propose that Player et al.’s definition is acceptable, if it is amended to include more purposes. Terrorism is an abstract notion to begin with, a non-concrete and non-specific term that expands through the interpretations of various people with differing ideas of adding concreteness to the word. In other words, one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter. It is not a simple matter of translation when the word to be defined is something like terrorism. There are many perspectives to consider morally, politically, and in terms of point of view. â€Å"Some stress the psychological flaws of terrorist, flaws that attract them to a life of violence. Others argue that terrorists are relatively free of psychiatric problems and become involved in terrorism because they perceive they have no other option for survival† (Cleveland, 2004). Paterson and Brown define a just war as one which is not aggressive or preemptive, and, particularly in Brown, the author advocates the use of mediation rather than force in international affairs. The authors call for a re conceptualization of just war. noting that one must consider the use and impact of force in an international situation as a crisis reaction, and highlighting the dynamism and flux of the current world environment, in which force should be the last resort, not the first (Brown and Glass, 2004). I agree that a re conceptualization of just war is necessary, especially after the Iraq war. The US did not have any certifiable and truthful

The Rotana Hotels Management Corporation Research Paper

The Rotana Hotels Management Corporation - Research Paper Example Recommendations based on the Operations Management are given at the end of the report. The Rotana Hotels Management Corporation known as the Rotana Hotels’ basic philosophy is that ‘hospitality is a fine art. There is no way it can be learned; it has to be a way of life.’ Even though it is very simple, yet it clearly illustrates the fact that the aspect of hospitality is a part of every level of the organization and is the basic foundation to its standards. The Rotana Hotels Management Corporation known as the Rotana Hotels, one of the leading hotel management companies in the Middle East, was established in 1992, by a partnership between Nasser Al Nowais and Selim El Zyr, who were joined three years later by Nael Hashweh and Imad Elias. The Rotana Hotels Management Corporation started its operation as Rotana hotel in 1993 in Abu Dhabi. â€Å"Our vision is to be the Leading and Preferred Hospitality Management Company within the Middle East, operating Hotels, Suites, and Resorts. We have the expertise, the passion and the competitive strength to achieve this goal†. â€Å"We will identify and exceed the expectations of our Guests, Staff, and Owners through innovative and creative solutions, combined with personalized care to gain their loyalty. We will constantly maintain International quality standards complemented with traditional Arabic Hospitality†. The forecasting for hiring new staff at Rotana Hotels mainly depends on the increase in the number of branches or new extensions. This indicates that if Rotana Hotels is extending its existing operations then they would work on recruiting or promoting previous staff for the new positions available. Forecasting demand: According to the requirements of the operations and making use  of the trend analysis based on previous information regarding the experienced occupancy, Rotana Hotels is able to forecast the forthcoming needs of employment in every aspect by using both bottoms-up forecasting and to down forecasting.

Developmental Care Within the Neonatal Intensive care unit Essay

Developmental Care Within the Neonatal Intensive care unit - Essay Example Developmental care also calls for clustering of nursing care for instance carrying out blood pressure and temperature checks to ensure that the babies have longer periods for sleeping. The other strategies used in neonatal intensive care entails turning down the lights in the rooms and providing a quite and dark environment to ensure that infants are able to enjoy maximum sleeping time. In neonatal intensive care, parents are encouraged to visit the infants and adoption of kangaroo care. By adopting developmental care in neonatal intensive care units (NICUs), premature and sick child are able to make a smooth transition from the environment they were enjoying in the womb to the world easily (Abbott and Israel, 2008, p. 80). The area of developmental care within NICUs has been addressed by various bodies that authors and stakeholders in the sector. This paper will be a critical review of the various publications on the topic including a journal by Hamilton, Moore and Naylor; the Bliss initiative by Abbott and Israel and a journal by Sonya Louise. In addition, the paper will critically review the provisions under the Bliss Baby Charter, the Neonatal Toolkit and the British Association of Perinatal Medicine of 2010. Developmental care According to Hamilton, Moore and Naylor (2008, p. 190), developmental care should create a framework within which neonatal care processes are adapted and organised to ensure that they are able to support individual medical, developmental and psychological needs of premature infants and their families. Developmental care has been necessitated by the fact that despite the relentless efforts to prevent premature births; such births are still persistent recurrent with about 6 percent of all lives in UK being preterm in UK annually and these statistics are higher in USA where they are estimated to be 12 percent (Hamilton, Moore and Naylor, 2008, p. 190). Consequently, the demand for neonatal care has increased with more than 70 percent of NICUs admissions resulting from premature infants. In addition to the high costs of providing neonatal care among preterm infants, such infants experience developmental impairments compared to their counterparts. This is explained by the fact that the brain of preterm infants is usually undergoing rapid development and these kids are exposed to a strange environmental setting, repeated invasive assessments and protracted illness (Hamilton, Moore and Naylor, 2008, p. 190). This adversely affects their growth and organisation of hearing, vision and sleeping pattern having long term effects on the neuro-development of the infant. Developmental care exposes parents and premature infants to various stressors and negative feelings for instance guilt, anxiety, helplessness and depression (Hamilton, Moore and Naylor, 2008, p. 190). This is because the highly technical setting and the condition of the premature infant led to the disruption of parental roles and reduces parent-infant relatio nship. To deal with this problems Hamilton, Moore and Naylor (2008, p. 190) proposes the adoption of supportive care to optimise the development and reduce negative impacts of premature births. In light of this, developmental care must involve a range of interventions that will help reduce stress within NUICs including controlling the

What do you feel is a major challenge facing nursing today Essay

What do you feel is a major challenge facing nursing today - Essay Example The current situations as it is has seen nurses being stretched thin, with very unworkable shift programs rendering them largely unable to meet the needs and demands of their patients, even as they themselves would wish to and are capable of. In addition, the current overcrowding of the Emergency Departments as a result of blood tests and other diagnostic procedures continue to slow patient flow and retards performance and availability of nurses. This development above is aggravated further with the recent trend in nursing, where advanced degrees are no longer optional. Nurses are now forced to pursue master’s degree which only eventually scares away potentially great workforce, and thereby consequently reducing number of nurses and exacerbating short staffing in medical centers. Competition for human resources by other less strenuous and well-paying courses has also seen to a shift in interests from this field, over time (Zhan, 70-80). The challenge of meeting patient expectation however does not solely lie with the mechanisms surrounding nursing and the circumstances that continue to impact it. Instead, it is also a result of patient factors and diversity issues. This is not to imply that nurses are allowed to be negligent and incompetent but on the contrary argues that even the best efforts by nurses can go amazingly unnoticed and unappreciated by patients whose demands are â€Å"out of this world†. Patients may also have issues they may take out on the nurses particularly during their hospital visits. Nurses may therefore feel fatigued as a result, and in the process even the best and dedicated nurses are left reeling and battered in thoughts of inadequacy, unprofessionalism and low self-esteem. This can produce a negative effect on general performance and injure good relations of nurses toward their patients (Zhan, 83-85). Some of the few solutions that can be implemented to correct this problem are: to embark on a rampant promotion of

Emotions Personal Statement Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Emotions - Personal Statement Example The incidence is when I was attending a school annual function. I really wanted to have a nice view of the entire programme. I was in the audience, sitting in the first row with a relaxed temperament. I am a down- to - earth person I enjoy dances and songs but never wanted to be a part of the show. Things were going smooth and I was totally involved in the function. I was applauding my friends, cheering them for their actions, encouraging them for their performance. It was really a fun and frolic time for me and I became the part of the function. The emotional turmoil came when I was asked by the master of the festival to be present on the stage. I got the shock of my life. I was in a real fix, freeze as ice and was spell bound. Could not understand anything but heard my heart beats and could feel the blood gushing into my body with a much faster pace. I could not make a single move. It was like the whole world is spinning around me and everybody is giving me a fleeting look! I gathered all my lost courage and started a move to the stage with an emotional pressure that was pushing and at the same time pulling me. A battle was going on inside me, what to do What should I say How it happened Why me only Cursing myself why I was making so much fuss, praying to God Uttering.. "Please help me God.

BP's Macondo Blow-out, Gulf of Mexico Research Paper

BP's Macondo Blow-out, Gulf of Mexico - Research Paper Example This explosion caused injuries to 17 people and led to 11 deaths of those who were working on the platform. The gushing wellhead was capped on July 15, 2010 after releasing nearly 4.9 million barrels of crude oil, the equivalent of 780,000m3.it was approximated that per day there was a loss of 53,000 barrels from the well before it was capped (Freudenburg and Robert 23). The daily flow rate had diminished with time beginning with around 62,000 barrels per day and this decreased as the hydrocarbons reservoir feeding the gusher depleted gradually. The relief well process was completed successfully on September 19, 2010. The location was at the Gulf of Mexico near Mississippi River Delta, United States. The spill date was between 20th April and 15th July 2010. It was officially sealed on 19th September 2010. The main cause was a wellhead blowout. The main operator who was working at the well was Transocean under contract for BP. The amount of the spill was approximately 4.9 million barr els in volume covering an area of between 2,500 to 68,000 square miles. The Gulf of Mexico is renowned as a rich hydrocarbon province. The oil and gas in deep water reservoirs in this area is often under extremely high pressure, which was a challenge to the drilling of the well. Prior to the blowout, the exploratory well was at a water depth of nearly 5,000 feet (1,500 m) (Freudenburg and Robert 23). ... In addition, the operations would have used complicated set of anchors, connected with cables that would have needed to be miles long. Initially, BP’s Macondo well was to explore prehistoric leftovers in the form of oil that was seen as a petroleum geologist’s version of literary license (Read 17). Prior to the blowout, the rig was constructed by Hyundai Heavy Industries, which was a South Korean company. Its ownership was by Transocean and was under lease to BP from March 2008 to September 2013. The principle developer and main operator of the Macondo Prospect was BP with a 65% share while Anadarko Petroleum Corporation owned 25% and, Moex Offshore 2007, which is a unit of Mitsui, owned 10% share (Read 25). After the accident, President Obama created the National Commission on the BP Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill and Offshore Drilling to investigate the main cause. The commission summarized that the accident occurred due to oversights, a number of different risk factors, and outright mistakes including overwhelming of the safeguards supposed to avert such an event. According to the White House report on January 2011, the report accused BP and its partners for deliberately making a sequence of cost – cutting decisions. Lack of a system that would ensure well safety was another accusation. The spill caused extensive damage to wildlife and marine habitats and as well as affecting the Gulf’s tourism and fishing industries. Its effects were also felt worldwide (Macondo report 5). The team recognized a number of risk factors that were technical in the design, testing and execution of the Macondo well. A responsible personnel management, risk, and communications by BP and its partners would certainly have averted the

Emotions Personal Statement Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Emotions - Personal Statement Example The incidence is when I was attending a school annual function. I really wanted to have a nice view of the entire programme. I was in the audience, sitting in the first row with a relaxed temperament. I am a down- to - earth person I enjoy dances and songs but never wanted to be a part of the show. Things were going smooth and I was totally involved in the function. I was applauding my friends, cheering them for their actions, encouraging them for their performance. It was really a fun and frolic time for me and I became the part of the function. The emotional turmoil came when I was asked by the master of the festival to be present on the stage. I got the shock of my life. I was in a real fix, freeze as ice and was spell bound. Could not understand anything but heard my heart beats and could feel the blood gushing into my body with a much faster pace. I could not make a single move. It was like the whole world is spinning around me and everybody is giving me a fleeting look! I gathered all my lost courage and started a move to the stage with an emotional pressure that was pushing and at the same time pulling me. A battle was going on inside me, what to do What should I say How it happened Why me only Cursing myself why I was making so much fuss, praying to God Uttering.. "Please help me God.

United States History Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

United States History - Essay Example The Boston Massacre took place on March 5, 1770, when the British troops stormed into the Boston mob who was protesting against them at the customs commission. This event is considered to be the foundation of the first battle in the history of American Revolution that took place just five years after that. In the year 1771, the colonies started to grow and hundreds of miles of roads were under construction in New Hampshire alone. In Connecticut, the General Assembly directed Jonathan Trimball, the governor to collect the public papers and letters, which affected the interest of the colony. The foundation of the first independent Anglo-American government took place in East Tennessee by Watauga Association, who was in the need of mutual protection. It was during this time that the House of Burgesses present in the Colony of Virginia reacted negatively to the policies of the British by establishing a committee that contacted other colonies who had the similar defense. This led to the i ssuance of Virginia Resolution by establishing the committee of correspondence. In the year 1772, a satirical essay was written and published by Benjamin Franklin in â€Å"The Public Advertiser†. In the seventeenth century, the war of independence took place between the Great Britain and the thirteen British colonies existed on the eastern seaboard present in North America. The battles of Concord and Lexington that took place between the colonial Minutemen and British Army marked the beginning of the war.

Feminization Of Migration Philippine Workers Welfare Sociology Essay

Feminization Of Migration Philippine Workers Welfare Sociology Essay Introduction and Background In most places throughout the world, the term migrant conjures images of men, while the phrase, migrants and their families introduces women and children into the picture. Yet, statistics show that half of all migrants globally are female and studies document that women are active participants in migration, both within and between countries (Boyd, 2006). Philippine migration started as early as 1900s during the time of American colonial rule. The first Filipinos to migrate came from Ilocos and they worked in pineapple plantations in Hawaii, agriculture in California and fish canneries in Washington and Alaska in 1920s. During 1960s, different category of Filipino workers migrated to America, Canada, and some European countries. They were the so-called professionals working as nurses, doctors, and medical technicians. In 1970s, Filipinos were in demand in industrialized countries such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and Malaysia. They filled up the labor shortages in these countries and worked as construction workers, nannies, domestic workers, nurse and entertainers. The phenomenon in Philippine labor migration started during these years since large numbers of workers leave the country for employment. However, in 1980s a different trend in Philippine labor migration has emerged called feminization of migration. (Explain why?) This means that more and more women participated in the area of labor migration. (Add further explanation) A lot of factors attributed to the proliferation of women migration. In the previous studies, women migration could be a result of poverty, globalization, and pressure from family, among others. But the most common reason of these women who wants to find better opportunities in their chosen countries of destination is poverty. To escape poverty, these women leave their work and try their luck overseas. Some of them are professionals while others are a mere high school graduates working mostly in the services sector. However, the basic question lies in their welfare and protection in the third country. Hence, this study is conducted to identify the common issues and concerns encountered by these women and try to examine the Philippine government policy thru the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) to ensure the welfare and protection of these women in their chosen country of destination. If possible, this study will try to influence the DOLE policy makers by presenting sufficient data to justify the need to formulate policies specifically for women migrant workers (if there is none). Theoretical Framework Several theories are presented in this section to help the readers understand or gain insights on the migration of Filipino women migrant workers. Below are some of the theories: Feminist theory, according to Wikipidia (13 April 2009), aims to understand the nature of inequality and focuses on gender politics, power relations and sexuality. While generally providing a critique of social relations, much of feminist theory also focuses on analyzing gender inequality and the promotion of womens rights, interests, and issues. Based on the same source mentioned above, the feminist legal theory is based on the belief that the law has been instrumental womens historical subordination. The project of feminist legal theory is twofold. First, feminist jurisprudence seeks to explain ways in which the law played a role in womens former subordinate status. Second, feminist legal theory is dedicated to changing womens status through a reworking of the law and its approach to gender. One of the theories that best describes the outflow of Filipino women abroad is the theory on globalization. Globalization (Wikipedia, 11 April 2009) in its literal sense is the process of transformation of local or regional phenomena into global ones. It can be described as a process by which the people of the world are unified into a single society and function together. This process is a combination of economic, technological, socio-cultural and political forces. Globalization is often used to refer to economic globalization, that is, integration of national economies into the international economy through trade, foreign direct investment, capital flows, migration, and the spread of technology. Another theory that explains migration is the neoclassical economic theory (Sjaastad 1962; Todaro 1969). It suggests that international migration is related to the global supply and demand for labor. Nations with scarce labor supply and high demand will have high wages that pull immigrants in from nations with a surplus of labor (family.jrank.org, 2009). The segmented labor market theory (Piore 1979) argues that First World economies are structured so as to require a certain level of immigration. This theory suggests that developed economies are dualistic, they have a primary market of secure, well remunerated work and a secondary market of low wage work. Segmented labor market theory argues that immigrants are recruited to fill these jobs that are necessary for the overall economy to function but are avoided by the native-born population because of the poor working conditions associated with the secondary labor market (family.jrank.org, 2009). World systems theory (Sassen 1988) argues that international migration is a by-product of global capitalism. Contemporary patterns of international migration tend to be from the periphery (poor nations) to the core (rich nations) because factors associated with industrial development in the First World generated structural economic problems, and thus push factors, in the Third World (family.jrank.org, 2009). In the Todaro-Harris model, the decision to migrate is largely determined by the individuals expectation of earning a higher income, with expected income being defined as actual urban income multiplied by the probability of obtaining employment (Ullah, 2004). Conceptual Framework Figure 1 presents the research paradigm of the study. Figure 1: Research Design As shown in the diagram, Filipino women migrant workers are also experiencing some issues and concerns in their chosen country of destination. This study will find out how these issues and concerns will affect the formulation of Philippine labor policy. Statement of the Problem This study deals on the Feminization of the Philippine Labor Migation as well as its implications on the countrys policy on workers welfare and protection. Specifically, this study aims to answer the following questions: What is the personal profile of the respondents based on the following: Age Marital Status Level of Education Employment Status Nature of Employment Length of Contract What are the common issues and concerns encountered by migrant women in the receiving/destination countries? What are the roles of the government particularly the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) in ensuring the well-being of the Filipino women migrant workers? What is/are the policy/ies of DOLE in dealing with the migration of women in terms of: Welfare Protection With reference to question 2, what are the implications of these common issues and concerns in the formulations of labor policy/ies directed to Filipino migrant women? Hypothesis The following hypotheses were considered by the researcher in the study: The common issues and concerns encountered by migrant women in the receiving/destination countries are not significant. The roles of the government particularly DOLE are minimal in ensuring the well-being of the Filipino women migrant workers. The policy/ies of DOLE in dealing with the migration of women are not significant in terms of: Welfare Protection With reference to question 2, the implications of these common issues and concerns are not significant in the formulations of labor policy/ies directed to Filipino migrant women. Significance of the Study Since the onset of the phenomenon called feminization of Philippine labor migration in 1980s, a number of researchers attempted to determine the factors that trigger Filipino women from leaving the country in search for a better opportunity abroad. This study will try to delve into the implications of the common issues and concerns encountered by migrant women in the destination countries to the formulation of labor policies/programs by DOLE. Further, the conduct of this study will acquaint the public on the difficulties encountered by the Filipino women migrant workers abroad. This will also serve as a guide to the Philippine government thru DOLE to formulate policies addressing specifically the issues and concerns of the women migrant workers. Scope and Delimitation of the Study This study focuses on the common issues and concerns faced by Filipino migrant women and its implications on the formulation of government policies to ensure their welfare and protection. The respondents shall be the women migrant workers employed in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). In 2008, KSA was the top destination country for newly hires Filipino migrant workers with a deployment of 76,148. Of this figure, 24,508 were female workers. To save time and money, Slovins formula shall be employed to determine the sample size of the population. Particularly, this study shall concentrate gathering data in Alkhobar, KSA wherein one of the two POLOs in Saudi Arabia is located. Sets of questionnaire shall be disseminated to the respondents with the assistance of POLO-Alkhobar. The distribution of questionnaires shall be done in the POLO office wherein the respondents paid visit to request for assistance, asking for an advice and other grievances among others. The researcher shall also use interview method with the concerned government officials, non-government organizations (NGOs), private sectors and internet to facilitate the conduct of the thesis. Definition of Terms The following are the common terms used in this study. The terms were defined according to the context of the study. Some terms were taken from the DOLE and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Glossary for Migration: Country of Origin A country where the women workers permanently resides. Feminization of Migration The increasing participation of women in the field of labor migration. Labour Migration The movement of persons from their home state to another for the purpose of employment. Philippine Overseas Labor Office (POLO) The POLO serves as the DOLEs overseas operating arm in the implementation of Philippine labor policies and programs for the protection and promotion of the welfare and interests of Filipinos working abroad. Push-Pull Factors Push factors are the reasons that trigger the workers to migrate in their chosen country of destination whereas pull factors are the attracting forces that lead them to migrate. Receiving Country The chosen country of destination by the worker. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE This chapter presented the different literature and studies conducted by different authors both local and foreign to support the concepts and theories of the phenomenon called Feminization of Labor Migration. Related Literature In a study entitled, The Feminization of Philippine Migration in Europe (05 March 2009), the Philippine Migration is brought about by a combination of socio-cultural, economic, and political factors in the Philippines that push Philippine women to migrate, as well as factors in Europe that pull them to immigrate. The economic crisis in the Philippines has led to an increasing unemployment and underemployment, with practically no work available within the country. According to that same study, it was mentioned that as migrant workers, Filipinas experience a host of problems related to their employment situations. Because they are women, who come from the so called Third World, they are allowed to work only in the lowest job categories. They are particularly vulnerable to various forms of exploitative labour practices, being employed in jobs, which make use of their highly skilled and qualified labour at very low cost. The fact is women migrants are indeed subject to various forms of abuse when they work overseas they are paid low wages if they are paid at all, they work in terrible working conditions, and are subject to various forms of physical, sexual and psychological violence calling for necessary interventions on the part of the state (Rodriguez, 1995). With reference to the study entitled The Feminization of Philippine Migration in Europe (05 March 2009), it was stated that the withholding of wages and documents such as passports, low pay, long working hours, the lack of opportunities for meaningful career advancement, and the lack of work benefits and job security, are only some of the problems, which Filipina migrant workers experience in the work place. Many believed labor export exposed women migrants to harsh forms of sexual violence. Others believed that the out-migration of women was weakening the Philippines social and moral fabric and still others, believed that the out-migration of Filipinas as domestic workers and entertainers threatened the Philippine states subject status on the world stage (Rodriguez, 1995). The feminization of Philippine overseas labor migration, which had been male-dominated until the 1980s, belies the failure of womens empowerment in society. The increasing out-migration of women indicates a decline, or continuing limitation, in the share of work available to women in the production process; employment opportunities remain restricted and income insufficient. The majority of female OFWs are still in traditional reproductive work such as domestic work and cultural entertainment, health care and nursing, where the pay is low and the nature of the work involves a higher exposure to physical, sexual and other abuse. This in turn underscores the international division of labor, in which the Third World, or the South, does the labor-intensive and lower-paid work. It also demonstrates a persistent gendered division of labor at the global level, with the South taking on the menial aspects of reproductive work, which are thereby feminized, secondary, subservient, and inferior t o the masculine, dominant North (de Guzman, 2003). The increased understanding of the situation of migrant women should provide the basis for the formulation of policies and programmes that promote their equality with migrant men and that safeguard their well-being (UN, 2004). Related Studies For a long time, the typical migrant has been viewed as male and until 3 decades ago, female migration was generally overlooked. Since the middle of the 1970s, there has been a growing interest in womens immigration, first with the increase in family reunification, especially in Europe and from the 1980s, until today, the growing recruitment of migrant women for labour market needs especially in service (Casas and Garson, 2005). In recent years the term feminization of migration has become commonplace, even entering the public domain through media reports (INSTRAW, 2007). According to Nancy V. Yanger, in her study on the Feminization of Migration (2006), there has been a change in the international migration patterns of women: more are moving from one country to another on their own than to join their husbands or other family members. This feminization of migration raises several key policy concerns about womens security and human rights in sending and destination countries. About half of all migrant workers are now women (IOM, 2008), with more women migrating independently and as main income earners rather than accompanying male relatives (Martin, 2005). Insofar as men are increasingly unable to fulfill their traditional roles as economic providers to their families, and the demand for female caregivers continue to rise in the industrial countries, the pressure on women to seek new survival strategies for their families will continue to fuel the increase of female migrants worldwide (INSTRAW, 2007). The feminization of migration had also produced specifically female forms of migration, such as the commercialized migration of domestic workers and caregivers, the migration and trafficking of women for the sex industry and the organized migration of women for marriage (UNESC, 2006). Women are often recruited internationally to do reproductive work in other peoples houses or for service sector jobs such as waitressing or entertainment that are poorly and marked by high instability and turnover. Many of these jobs are unregulated because they are of borderline legality (such as sex work) or because they are not included in the scope of the destination countrys labor laws, which primarily cover productive work. The unregulated nature of reproductive work, which allows no recourse through the legal system, places many women migrants at risk of exploitation in the form of low wages, poor working conditions, or physical or sexual abuse (Yinger, 2006). Perhaps the most notable feature of female migration is the extent to which it is founded upon the continued reproduction and exploitation of gender inequalities by global capitalism. For the most part, female labor migrants perform womens work as nannies, maids and sex workers the worst possible occupational niches in terms of remuneration, working conditions, legal protections and social recognition. In this way, gender acts as a basic organizing principle of labor markets in destination countries, reproducing and reinforcing pre-existing gender patterns that oppress women. But it is not only women who perform these jobs, but women of a particular race, class, ethnicity and/or nationality i.e. gender cross-cuts with other forms of oppression to facilitate the economic exploitation of women migrants and these relegation to a servile (maids) and/or despised (sex workers) status (INSTRAW, 2007). In the north, the growing involvement of immigrant women in paid work is mainly the result of an increase in the demand for labour in unskilled and poorly paid jobs in the service sectors in immigrant-receiving countries. Domestic service, hotels and restaurants and personal care are all sectors that have large recourse to foreign migration labour and the development of exclusively female migration flows (Sassen, 1993). Immigrant women work in those jobs that are abandoned by the receiving country nationals (Casas and Garson, 2005). INSTRAWs Columbia case study found a significant number of middle-age women whose main reason to migrate was not related to economic or family reasons (as their children are already grown up) but rather to the expectation that new relationship opportunities are easier to come by in Spain than in Columbia, where women their age have a difficult time finding new sexual partners. Both the Columbian and the Dominican case studies found that unsatisfactory marriages factored in many womens decision to migrate, as it was easier for them to end the relationship after they had moved to another country (which contradicts the common assumption that the migration itself is the cause of the marital break-up) (INSTRAW, 2007). The studies have revealed the 2 dimensions of the role played by immigrant women in the economies of both their sending and their receiving societies: an active role on the labour market, sending remittances, becoming heads of household, etc. Certain academic and political circles would see to have established a link between feminization of migration, the active role of women as economic and development agents and empowerment. It is important to note that even though immigrant women participate in the economics of their countries of origin and destination, by sending large remittances and maintaining transnational households, this role as social and economic agents does not necessarily imply an increase in their status (empowerment) (Casas and Garson, 2005). As INSTRAWs (2007) (and many other) case studies show, by allowing women to become economic providers for themselves and for their transnational families, migration can increase their self-esteem, personal autonomy and status. Migrant women often measure their achievements only in terms of the benefits they are able to provide to their families and they are praised by others in similar terms. Migration can provide a vital source of income for migrant women and their families, and earn them increased autonomy, self-confidence and social status (IOM, 2008). In a study conducted by Monica Boyd entitled Women in International Migration: The Context of Exit and Entry for Empowerment and Exploitation (2006), women migrant workers who are admitted legally but temporarily, may be poorly protected by existing labor law in destination countries and they may have little recourse to state protection if abuse occurs. In countries of origin and also in countries of destination (IOM, 2008), female migrants may be victims of negative attitudes about women working at all, attitudes that affect their rights to leave the country without permission to receive further education or training and to engage in certain occupations. Globally, the International Labour Office (ILO) reports that the most frequently encountered issues regarding the working conditions of women migrant workers are low remuneration, heavy workloads with long working hours and inadequate rest periods, limited training facilities and poor career development. In some countries such workers also lack freedom of movement. Women migrant workers jobs are normally located very low on the occupational ladder and usually not, or only inadequately covered by labour legislation or other social security or welfare provisions (ILO, 1999). The broader theoretical approach to the analysis of networks as a factor behind migration now extends to the role of women in migration. A further factor that favours the increased visibility of female immigration is that migration is no longer considered to be the result of an individual decision but rather is best viewed as an integral part of family and community strategies (Stark, 1984) (Casas and Garson, 2005). Women migrate to work abroad in response to gender-specific labour demand in countries of destination that reflects existing values, norms, stereotypes and hierarchies based on gender. Thus, although laws regarding the admission of migrant workers are generally gender neutral, the demand for domestic workers, nurses, and entertainers focuses on the recruitment of migrant women. Moreover, in countries of origin as well, female labour supply is the result of gender norms and stereotypes that gear women to certain traditionally female occupations. Recruitment intermediaries, whether private or official, also contribute to reinforce gender segregation in the labour market (UN, 2004). Women have always been present in migratory flows, traditionally as spouses, daughters, or dependents of male migrants. Nowadays women are increasingly migrating as the main economic providers for their households meaning that they migrate autonomously as breadwinners a contribution that has served to increase their visibility within migratory flows (UN-INSTRAW, 2006). The global demand for migrant labour now prioritizes womens specific skills and traditional roles, such that: a) paid domestic work is increasingly performed by women who leave their own countries, communities and often their families; b) domestic service draws not only women from poor socio-economic classes but also women of relatively high status in their own countries; and c) the development of service-based economies in post-industrial nations favours the international migration of women workers. In the developed world, the combination of womens increased participation in the labour force and the failure to develop family-friendly labour policies and child, elderly, and disabled care options have lead to a strong demand for migrant women workers. Migrant women are thus a central support system for womens freedom in the developed world and they make a contribution that is under-recognized and undervalued (UN-INSTRAW, 2006). The increasing feminization of the Philippine labor export industry suggests that womens desperation to overcome the hardships brought about by worsening socioeconomic conditions in the country is the major push factor that drives them to leave, to bet on a brighter future abroad while turning almost a blind eye to the risks involved (Philippine Migrants Rights Watch, 2004). The feminization of international labor migration in the Philippines can be seen from several vantage points. For one, it can be seen as an extension of the freedom of mobility afforded Filipino women. For another, the involvement of Filipino women in international labor migration can be seen as a response to the demand for women workers in the more developed countries. The demand for women migrant workers also came at a time when the demand for male workers was slowing down in the Middle East, which was the major destination of migrant workers in the 1970s and the early 1980s. Countries of origin such as the Philippines were poised to respond to the demand for women migrant workers given the experience they had gained with large-scale overseas employment in the 1970s (Guerrero, et. al, 2001). Although women give different reasons why they consider overseas employment as a work option, these reasons invariably boil down to economic or financial considerations. Migrant workers mention the following specific or immediate reasons: to get a job, to support family needs, to send siblings and children to school, to pay for medical treatment of parents, to pay debts (Villalba, 2002). Compared to other countries of origin, the Philippines has, in fact, instituted various measures to ensure the protection of women migrant workers. Early on and several times thereafter, the government had instituted several bans on the deployment of domestic workers (1982 for Saudi Arabia, which did not push through; a general ban in 1987 and the gradual lifting of the ban as better conditions obtain in the receiving countries; ban for Singapore in 1995) and in the deployment of entertainers to Japan in 1991, in the hopes of stopping the migration of women migrant workers. Bans, as our experience showed, do not work; instead they only lead to irregular migrations, which puts women migrant workers in greater danger. Under the circumstances, the government instituted various approaches to protect women migrant workers (Guerrero, et. al, 2001). Republic Act No. 8042 (POEA, 1996) popularly known as the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 is an act instituting the policies of overseas employment and establish a higher standard of protection and promotion of the welfare of migrant workers, their families and overseas Filipinos in distress, and for the other purposes. Specifically, Section 2, paragraph d (Declaration of Policies) stated, The State affirms the fundamental equality before the law of women and men and the significant role of women in nation-building. Recognizing the contribution of overseas migrant women workers and their particular vulnerabilities, the State shall apply gender sensitive criteria in the formulation and implementation of policies and programs affecting migrant workers and the composition of bodies tasked for the welfare of migrant workers. In addition, Section 4 (Deployment of Migrant Workers) declared, The State shall deploy overseas Filipino workers only in countries where the rights of Filipino migrant workers are protected. The government recognizes any of the following as a guarantee on the part of the receiving country for the protection and the rights of overseas Filipino workers: a) it has existing labor and social laws protecting the rights of migrant workers; b) it is a signatory to multilateral conventions, declarations or resolutions relating to the protection of migrant workers; c) it has concluded a bilateral agreement or arrangement with the government protecting the rights of overseas Filipino workers; and d) it is taking positive, concrete measures to protect the rights of migrant worker (POEA, 1996). Implications of the Reviewed Studies and Literature to the Present Study The reviewed studies and literature were presented to support or refute the theories and concept employed in the study. Further, it is one way to appreciate the reasons behind the out-migration of women since 1980s and the risks and hardships involved. CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Method of Research The researcher shall made use of the descriptive research. According to Calderon and Gonzales (1993), descriptive research is a purposive process of gathering, analyzing and tabulating data about prevailing conditions, practices, beliefs, processes, trends and cause-effect relationships and then making adequate and accurate interpretation about such data with or without the aid of statistical method. Population and Sampling The respondents in this study shall be the Filipino women migrant workers employed in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) as professionals and household workers among others. To determine the sample size of the population, the researcher shall employ the Slovins formula. In 2008, 24,508 women workers were deployed in KSA. Using Slovins formula, the sample size of 24,508 is 100 respondents. Alkhobar, KSA is the preferred place for the conduct of this study wherein one of the two POLOs in Saudi Arabia is located. The researcher shall made use of the Convenience Sampling in survey questionnaire in the selection of respondents and Purposive Sampling Technique in identifying the interviewees. Data Gathering Tool/s Primary and secondary instruments shall be utilized to aid the researcher in gathering data/information. A questionnaire shall be constructed that details the profile of the female migrant workers as well as the common issues and concerns encountered by Filipino women migrant workers. Webster Dictionary defines questionnaire as a set of questions for obtaining statistically useful or personal information from an individual. The questionnaire shall be presented in a question-answer format with suitable answers so that the respondents can easily indicate their response by placing a checkmark on the space corresponding to the answer. The researcher shall also conduct interviews on DOLE officials, non-government organizations, and Filipino women migrant workers here and abroad to solicit views necessary for the conduct of this study. Books and electronic data/information were also sourced out in this study. Data Gathering Procedures Questionnaires thru the assistance of POLO-Alkhobar shall be disseminated to the respondents by June until August 2009. Interviews shall follow after the result of the survey is finalized. The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) deployment statistics shall be utilized to identify the Filipino women migrant workers deployed from 1980s to 2008. The same data shall be used to also identify the sector dominated by Filipino women mi